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- Synonyms and antonyms of Bithynia in the English dictionary of synonyms.
- BITHYNIA - Definition and synonyms of Bithynia in the English dictionary.
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St. Theodota, along with her three sons, at Bithynia
Write a Review. Related Searches. Burning Ambition. The resulting cult of Antinous excited such awe and admiration that it threatened to overshadow the growing cult of Jesus of Nazareth; accordingly, early Christian sects went to great lengths to villify both Hadrian and his boy lover. He blithely confessed that he liked "a boy's body hot from the park, all grimy and the sight of his flesh rubbed down with oil.
Nice, and artless; none of the pretty 'enchantment' laid on by your merchants of the romantic.
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His presence in Leonardo's home has perplexed scholars for several centuries, since Salai was neither servant nor apprentice, and since Leonardo himself described the boy as a "thieving, lying, obstinate" glutton. The two were inseparable companions for nearly twenty-six years. Of the boy's beauty, he wrote: "With his face God wished to correct nature. Michelangelo designed the boy's tomb and composed no fewer than fifty epitaphic poems mourning his death.
These landscapes were neither visited by Paul at least according to Acts nor are any other stories told about Christ-believers in Bithynia or Pontus. According to epigraphical evidence, the name Aquila occurs quite often in Pontus. Elliott has tried to re-establish the old idea 36 See P. Cook and P. Harland; Sheffield: Sheffield-Phoenix, ISinope There is no evidence for Priska in Pontus.
Sinaiticus in its uncorrected form together with and some manuscripts of the Vulgata omits the reference to Asia, whereas C. Vaticanus — also prima manu — omits Bithynia. This could be just scribal errors or adaptations according to later provincial organisations. III , but is more probable that this is only an extrapolation of 1 Peter A third possibility sees an anti-Pauline intention behind the address: The author wanted to establish a Petrine tradition in Asia Minor by mentioning Christ-believers from every part of the peninsula.
What is the intention of mixing provincial names like Asia or Galatia-Cappadocia and landscapes? Did the author think only of landscapes?
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So it seems to be possible that the author, if he had such knowledge about provinces in Asia Minor in the first century at all, was thinking of Bithynia as name of the whole province Bithynia- Pontus and of Pontus as another province further to the east. Additionally, the situation of Christ-believers who are heavily affected by social marginalization and oppression might reflect even a situation in the city of Rome.
In the author states explicitly that all Christ-believers are suffering under the same difficult circumstances. Wherever Pliny was in fact confronted with Christ-believers and their denouncers — in the capital Nicomedia or any other major city — the situation was seemingly not so different from the one described in First Peter.
Christ-believers were denounced as such iis qui ad me tamquam Christiani deferebantur , even a libel with many names had been given to Pliny anonymously 40 See J. The idea was first proposed by H.
Pliny the Younger
This interpretation, however, overemphasizes non-Pauline elements in an otherwise Pauline text. See on the Pauline character of First Peter D. The motives of the informer index , probably the author of the libellus, are not clear, however. Maybe local priests or sellers of sacrificial meat see tried to regain their social and economic position by putting away with this new religious group.
Even if Pliny exaggerated the situation to highlight his commitment, it is clear that the new belief had become popular not only in cities but also in smaller villages. According to Pliny, some of the accused persons had abandoned Christianity twenty years before his account , which shows that the Gospel must have been proclaimed at least in the last decades of the first century CE.
It lasted well into the third. Epigraphic Evidence for Christians before Constantine In contrast to the literary evidence, only a very limited number of Christian inscriptions from the time before Constantine are preserved in Bithynia and Pontus. This small count is perhaps even lower since in some cases it is not possible to prove a Christian origin.
This seems plausible considering his rhetorical strategies, but it still requires an explanation why numbers are, compared with other areas like Phrygia or Lycaonia, so low. Another possible reason for the low quantity of inscriptions could be that Christ-believers especially in Bithynia-Pontus refrained from being publicly known as followers of the new cult because of the hard oppression, which might have started earlier than in other places.
Finally, it seems more probable to me that Christ-believers in the first three centuries continued and adapted pagan forms and formulas in such a way that we simply cannot identify them with certainty. This might also be due to some oppression, but this is just a guess.
The following examples from pre-Constantine Christianity in Bithynia-Pontus will demonstrate the close links between pagan and Christian epigraphic habits. For a different view see Williams, Persecution, Gatherings in the morning before sunrise, singing of hymns, commitment to certain moral standards, communal meals and functionaries two ministrae are mentioned. Most of the practice not the content is not entirely different from other religiously oriented associations.
TAM IV,1 But even if some of those inscriptions date to pre-Constantine times the number will not rise significantly. The Christian token was seemingly important but still hidden within the text. But with this little sign the family indicated to those who knew the right interpretation which belief they had, which was probably also that of the deceased Eumoirios from Phoenicia Arados.
Martyr Theodota and her three sons in Bithynia - Orthodox Church in America
For the God-fearing Epitherses and to Theoktistos the children Markianos and Epitherses erected the epitaph with 5 the brothers from their own means for remembrance. The dating of the inscription to the end of the second century CE is not disputed.
It is accompanied by a relief with a funeral meal and a sacrificial scene. There is a debate about the religious affiliation of the deceased Epitherses and his family. The use of a relief with a funeral meal does in my opinion not exclude that the inscription commemorates a Christ believer. We should not too hastily exclude the possibility of a mix of a pagan motif, probably already on the stone, with a Christian attitude. The interpretation, according to which the deceased had been a venerator of Theos Hypsistos, brought forward by Walter Ameling, rests on the interpretation of the relief.
Corsten observed peculiarity of the relief: The funerary meal is accompanied by the depiction of a young boy who is offering a sacrifice on an altar. He pours something from a bowl into a flame. Mitchell regards as typical for the cult of Theos Hypsistos. In light of these considerations it is perhaps better to stay on the safe side and refrain from a clear decision.
Its dating by F. Becker-Bertau to the end of the third century CE 56 has recently been called into question.
One has not to think of the Diocletian persecution as a terminus ante quem, it could also be the Decian measures in CE. See also Mitchell, Further thoughts, Jahrhunderts, in die Jahre vor der Verfolgung durch Diocletian , in eine Zeit, in der das Christentum toleriert wurde.
For the most pure ones and believers in God, Markus Aurelius Demetrianos, who was first Archon and held all political offices, 5 and held the office of Agonothetes with distinction, and the dearest mother Aurelia Pannychis, Aurelia Demetriana, their daughter, and the son-in-law Domitios Heliodoros, 10 together with the brother Demetrianos and together with the uncle Chrysippos, set up this gravestone in memory. They died. Like the previous examples, this inscription is not obviously Christian. Acts ; Gal ; Titus ; 1 John If Markus Aurelius Demetrianos was a Christian, it is quite striking that he acted as First Archon of the polis of Claudioupolis and as leader of a local Agon.
As Archon and Agonothetes, Demetrianos must have been a member of the local elite who — as part of his office — had to partake in pagan rituals, maybe during the festival for Antinous.
McKechnie provides a list of 15 Christians who served as council members before Constatine. Eusebius narrates a story of a highly regarded man in Nicomedia, who was put to death, after he had ripped into pieces the decree against Christians in the presence of the emperors Diocletian and Galerius Hist. VIII 5. The historical basis of this story — Eusebius was not even able to provide the name — is however doubtful. Lord Pantokrator, you created me, 10 a bad man killed me.
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